The Secret Case of Mr. West

Arose, last week, chubby Senator Dill of Washington (State), whose most notable contribution to U. S. law was the Dill-White Radio bill which has since caused so many hearings and disputes. He demanded to know whether any Senator had microphones or dictaphones or other electrical devices hidden in any of their school-roomish desks. Senators grunted without reply.

Like other human beings, Senators are more interested in themselves than in anything else. Thus debate on great public affairs was delayed during most of two days last week while Senators argued as to whether they could keep a secret. For, early in the week, some Senator had let out a great Senatorial secret. So far out had the secret got, that it was published in all newspapers served by the United Press. The press hero was United Pressman Paul Mallon, who trained in the Notre Dame journalistic tradition, would never reveal a secret he was not entitled to divulge.

Somehow Pressman Mallon had secured a complete list of the Senators as they had voted in secret session for or against the appointment of Roy O. West to the dynamite-loaded job of Secretary of the Interior.

This Coolidge appointment last July had roused Senator Norris and other anti-power-trust people to a high pitch of in dignation. For Mr. West once served as lawyer to Samuel Insull, than whom there is no mightier powerman. Indeed, just before his appointment Mr. West sold for $118,000 certain Insull securities which he had acquired for $67,000. Mr. West took the position that his Insull connection was a thing of the past, but, even so, promised to withdraw from any matter affecting Insull interests. To Senator Norris and his fellow "Progressives," however, the adequate control of public utilities is the greatest issue in the country, and nothing would do but that the West appointment be rejected. The "power-trust" issue having been thus potently raised, many a liberal Senator joined in the Progressives' anti-West cry, but most Senators hoped they would be able to straddle. A majority of Senators was delighted to reflect that, by Senatorial custom, votes on Cabinet appointments are taken in secret--i. e., in "executive session."

The Progressives strove to have the vote taken in open session. They had no chance. Executive session it was, and in executive session, Mr. West was confirmed.

The next day appeared Paul Mallon's despatch, naming by name the 54 Senators who voted for Mr. West and the little band of only 27 who voted against. The Senate was scandalized. Vice President elect Curtis, Senate housekeeper that he is, investigated all the servants (clerks, etc.) and pronounced that none of them had given away the secret. Only one alter native: some Senator had "snitched."

And then the Senate began to talk about itself. Then did Senator Dill inquire about dictaphones. And another recalled that onetime Senator Thomas of Colorado al ways insisted upon having a secret session whenever he wished to get particularly wide publicity for a speech. And some Senators urged that the whole idea of secret sessions be judged ridiculous and abandoned. Never flippant, always putting the particular into the perspective of lofty principal, Senator Norris pontificated : "Public business should be transacted in public. Any other course, if followed to its logical conclusion, means the ultimate overthrow of every democracy in the world. No democratic government can continue to endure if its public business is transacted behind closed doors."

The publication of the vote revealed the interesting fact that 22 Democrats voted for Mr. West while only 15 voted against. Had all Democrats voted against Mr. West, they could thus have vexed and balked President Coolidge. They did not do so because 1) It was too late to bother about Coolidge vexations, and 2) Mr. West had convinced them of his suitability.

The vote also revealed -- which was no great secret -- that the squad of anti-power-trust Republicans is eleven: Elaine, Borah, Brookhart, Couzens, Frazier, Johnson, MacMaster, Norbeck, Norris, Nye, Pine. From one of these it was thought that Paul Mallon had secured his scoop. Such a one as the boyish Nye who is regular at election time and irregular in between would be glad to have the country know that he, in contradistinction to the majority, is nobly bottling "the interests." But any of the Progressives might have done it and Pressman Mallon is specially good-friends with Progressives McNary, Norris, Wheeler.