Monday, Oct. 28, 1929
"Sense v. Nonsense"
The biggest cinema trust in Europe is Universum Film Aktiengesellschaft, known as UFA. The biggest independent telegraph agency on the continent is Telegrapher Union Internationale, or T. U. Both Ufa and T. U. belong to potent, slightly sinister Dr. Alfred Hugenberg, bristle-haired Junker. These and his famed Berlin newspapers (Der Tag, Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger) have given Dr. Hugenberg one of the most efficient machines for moulding public opinion in the world. He needed it last week, for he was attempting to force through by popular referendum a law denying Germany's War guilt, forbidding German acceptance of the Young plan. His task was as difficult as would be repealing the 18th Amendment in the U. S. Plebiscite. According to the Weimar Constitution of the German Republic, a law can be passed by popular referendum in the following steps: 1) A vote of 1/10th of the entire German electorate (4,000,000 ballots) assures the immediate consideration of the law by the Reichstag. 2) If the Reichstag refuses to pass the law, it may still be made effective by holding a second referendum in which the ballots of 50% of the electorate (20,000,000) are necessary for ratification. "Liberty Law." Because the Treaty of Versailles postulates Germany's sole War guilt and then lays upon her the burden of Reparations, some hot-headed Germans hug the fallacy that if the Fatherland would only repudiate her guilt she could then impress the Allies with the logic of refusing to pay Reparations for a crime which Germany did not commit. Such hotheads are bristling Dr. Hugenberg and his reactionary Stahlhelm ("Steel Helmet League"). With the death three weeks ago of Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann, a statesman who always preached conciliation with Germany's enemies, the Hugenbergians pulled from their pockets copies of what they call their "Liberty Law." They felt that the time was ripe to present it to the German people for ratification by referendum. It provides: 1) "That the German Government take formal action toward the repeal of Articles 231 [confession of War guilt], 429, 430 [occupation of the Rhine] of the Versailles Treaty." 2) "That the German Government shall undertake no new burdens or reparations obligations." (i.e. Down with the Young Plan.) 3) "That the German Government shall assign specific punishment by penal servitude for any official of the Reich who fails to carry out the provisions of the proposed law or violates it by pledging Germany to new reparations payments." Impartial observers concede Hugenberg followers the necessary 4,000,000 votes to bring this law before the Reichstag. It is also probable that the Reichstag would reject it. All branches of the powerful Hugenberg press organization were working last week to whip up the 20,000.000 votes necessary to pass the "Liberty Law" over the Reichstag's rejection. Manifesto. Opponents of the "Liberty Law" were not silent last week. While Hugenberg followers paraded and shouted hoarsely on street corners, both the German Reich and the Prussian State Government issued warnings that any official who actively supported the Hugenberg referendum was liable to instant dismissal. Arresting was an "Intellectual Manifesto" posted in prominent places throughout Germany, published in all but Hugenberg newspapers. Over the signature of 72 German best minds--such men as Dr. Hjalmar Schacht (president of the Reichsbank), Albert Einstein (relativity), Novelist Thomas Mann (Buddenbrooks), Chancellor of Germany Hermann Miiller, Chairman Theodor Leipart of the associated German trades unions--the manifesto read: "After an epoch in which the victor states [in the War] . . . sought to force on Germany their will--an epoch in which Germany came close to the abyss--German efforts have succeeded in bringing about a revival. . . . The period of violence and one-sided dictatorship was succeeded by a period of negotiations and understanding. . . . Liberation of the Rhineland from foreign occupation will be . accomplished in a short time. Reparations will be reduced by important yearly sums. . . . "This development may now, all of a sudden be cut off. A referendum has been introduced which . . . seeks to create an appearance that Germany could now force her wishes and demands on the victors in the World War. . . . "The entire referendum is based on transparent dishonesty. It is based on the wild claim that previous German foreign policy has rested on the recognition of Germany's War Guilt. . . . "The German people have now to choose between sense and nonsense. . . . Whoever subscribes to this referendum promotes the disintegration and enslavement of the German people." Foreign editors reading this declaration looked hard at the 72 signatures, compared them with the signers of the last famed ' Manifesto of German Intellectuals, the Manifest of the "Culture-Warriors" of 1914 which loudly proclaimed the justness of Germany's cause. Four of 1914's fighting Intellectuals were among last week's rational Intellectuals: Playwright Gerhart Hauptmann, Artist Max Liebermann, Professor Adolph von Harnack, Scientist Max Planck. Hindenburg. Just as in Wartime both sides claim the Deity for their partisan, so last week did both armies in the great Battle of the Referendum claim the support of grizzled old Hero President Paul von Hindenburg. Hugenberg followers quoted the President's famed speech "protesting the War guilt lie" at the anniversary of the Battle of Tannenberg in 1927, as proof that he sympathized with them. Anti-referendumists quoted von Hindenburg's thanks to Foreign Minister Stresemann on his return from The Hague Parley (TIME, Aug. 19) as his personal endorsement of the Young Plan. Irate and august, President von Hindenburg reasserted his neutrality: "I declare herewith that I have given nobody authorization or cause to make known my personal opinion on this problem." To the old Feldmarschall went Chancellor Mueller. He recalled that the President is in duty bound to promulgate such measures as the Reichstag's ratification of the Young Plan, pointed out that this act of promulgation might render even Paul von Hindenburg liable to be clapped into jail under the clause of the "Liberty Law" which provides penal servitude for officials who pledge Germany to her Reparations payments. Striking result: Hero Hindenburg dropped his neutrality, publicly denounced the offending clause of the "Liberty Law" as "a personal and irrelevant attack upon myself."