The Letters of Lakin

In the crowd of spectators at last week's Senate Lobby Committee hearings sat one inconspicuous man intently following every word of testimony, taking many a note. No professional newsgatherer, he was reporting the investigation for a special client. Inmmediately after each day's hearings a comprehensive report of what had transpired swiftly found its way into the White House and upon the President's desk.

What accounted for President Hoover's particular interest in this Congressional investigation was the manner in which his name had been bandied about by the Cuban Sugar Lobby, directed by Herbert Conrad Lakin. Lobbyist Lakin had hired as the Lobby's Lawyer Edwin Paul Shattuck, because Mr. Shattuck was a Hoover friend, had done legal work for the President, such as drawing leases. This connection Lobbyist Lakin had so magnified in widely scattered letters as to create the impression that President Hoover was cooperating with the sugar lobby. Excerpts from the letters of Lobbyist Lakin:

"President Hoover has instructed his Secretary, Mr. Newton, to establish a contact between the Committee [House Ways & Means] and ourselves. . . . We are a little doubtful about this step . . . but of course would do what President Hoover desires as he seems to be genuinely interested in our cause. . . .

"President Hoover sent for Mr. Shattuck and suggested that Shattuck cooperate with the Ways & Means Committee. . . .

"This week we received a proposal from the White House which we have been studying. . . ."

Feebly Lobbyist Lakin admitted that his information was mostly hearsay, that he had never really investigated Mr. Shattuck's connections with President Hoover. He conceded that his use of the President's name might have been "injudicious."

Hot with indignation, Lobby-Lawyer Shattuck took the witness stand, emphatically declared:

"I make no claim to be the legal adviser of Mr. Hoover. I have done professional work for him, but it was of no great importance. I resent the implication that I am Mr. Hoover's closest legal friend. . . . My relations with Mr. Hoover have been very pleasant. . . . I have never discussed the sugar tariff with Mr. Hoover. I have discussed the sliding scale with Mr. Newton. . . . Some people might think that what Mr. Newton said was the same as what the President said. . . . I have never received any directions from Mr. Hoover. . . . You must realize that this is all very embarrassing to me. . . ."

"Yes, and to President Hoover, too," interposed lobby-chasing Senator Robinson.

The next day another Lakin letter, written to Mr. Shattuck himself, was turned up by the Committee.

"Just before we last went to Cuba you had an interview with President Hoover. You understood him to approve of Cuban newspaper criticism [against the sugar tariff]. I enclose two editorials . . . I think ought to be called to the attention of the White House."

Many a political ear last week was cocked toward the White House, expecting President Hoover to say something to blast the insidious pretensions of this sugar lobby. Unable to endure the White House silence longer, Congressman John Nance Garner of Texas, House Democratic leader, finally blurted out a demand:

"Mr. Hoover owes to the country a direct, definite and positive declaration on this subject. . . . Mr. Shattuck's denial by no means disposes of the matter. . . . A great many people will accept the evidence as proving that the President has been participating in the secret conspiracy against the interests of his own countrymen. . . . If Governor Smith had been elected President last year and had such references to him as President been disclosed . . . impeachment proceedings would have been discussed in the House of Representatives before now. . . ."

The Lakin letters involved others, apparently, besides the President. He had engaged Major General Enoch Herbert Crowder, retired, onetime Ambassador to Cuba, as an assistant lobbyist. Wrote Lobbyist Lakin:

"General Crowder has written a fine memorandum on this subject [limitation of Philippine sugar imports]. He has also learned that the plans of the General Staff provide that in case of war any attempt to keep a traffic lane open between the Philippines and the U. S. would be promptly abandoned. . . . We plan to use this information . . . to the best advantage."

Stirred at a possible "leak" of military secrets, the War Department began an immediate investigation. In Chicago, General Crowder denied he had revealed any General Staff plans, explained that the abandonment of the U. S. Philippine traffic lane was his own idea.

The Lakin letters also revealed attempts to set the Cuban stage for visiting newspaper and magazine writers lest "they fall into the wrong hands." Covert arrangements had been made to receive and influence writers for TIME and for the New York Times.*

Flayed by the Lobby Committee in its fourth report, last week, was James A. Arnold, lobbyist for the Southern Tariff Association and the American Taxpayers League (TIME, Nov. 18) "Reprehensible," "utterly without regard for veracity," "no seeming sense of self-respect," were some of the Committee's characterizations of him and his activities. For the first time the Committee recommended legislation to "protect the public from this type of lobbying."

* The Times changed its plans, did not send its man to Cuba. Lobbyist Lakin's ultimate conclusion about trying secretly to supervise TIME'S investigator was: "This venture was not exactly profitable."--ED.

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