Modified Verticality

The American Federation of Labor, largely a national alliance of workers by crafts, is heir to the old-fashioned apprentice and guild systems. Many a U. S. Labor theorist for many a year has advanced the idea that the workingman's cause would be more effective if workers organized by industries, regardless of their craft affiliations. Thus, instead of loom mechanics belonging to the National Machinists Union, along with machinists in the furniture, paper, bottling and publishing industries, they would belong to a textile workers union. Because of the failure of the oldtime Noble Order of the Knights of Labor and the I. W. W., the "One Big Union" movement faltered until the birth of the Blue Eagle. There was strong sentiment toward the vertical (industrial) union in NRA, shared, but for tactical reasons not promulgated, by General Johnson. At A. F. of L.'s Washington convention last year the industrial v. craft union question was shelved for "study." At the San Francisco convention which concluded last week the problem finally came up for the first positive action in A. F. of L. history.

The stolid unionists' battle on this basic issue lasted six days, a good part behind closed doors in the resolutions committee room. Lined up for the industrial union were hulking, square-faced John Llewellyn Lewis of United Mine Workers and tall, persuasive Charles P. Howard of the International Typographical Union. Opponents of committing A. F. of L. to vertically were President William Green, a quiet-spoken reactionary, and Matthew Woll, an overdressed, Red-hating A. F. of L. vice president.

When the belligerents squared off, theories went out the window. The big point raised by the proponents of industrial unionism was that if the A. F. of L. did not get in and organize the automobile workers at once, company and Communist unions would. Same thing applied to the cement and aluminum industries.

Theoretically the industrial union may be a better set-up for collective bargaining, but Messrs. Lewis and Howard had more practical considerations. Mr. Lewis, who heads A. F. of L.'s one big industrial union, wants to see the system fostered. Mr. Howard's typographical union used to cover the entire printing trade, and he would like to be boss of the pressmen, electrotypers, bookbinders, stereotypers, who seceded to their own craft unions.

As head of the A. F. of L., Mr. Green well knew the jurisdictional squalls which would toss the organization if the craft policy were changed. Also on him was the heavy pressure of the many little craft union leaders who would be jobless under industrial organization.

Result of the fight was a compromise, on "modified" vertically so happily worded that the rank & file at the convention burst into cheers as it was announced:

"Craft organization is most effective in the protection of the welfare and the advancement of interests of the workers where the nature of the industry is such that the lines of demarkation between the crafts are distinguishable. However . . . a new condition exists, requiring organization upon a different basis. . . . The executive council is directed to issue charters for national and international unions in the automotive, cement, aluminum and such other mass production and miscellaneous industries."

Anticipating head-on collisions between industrial unions and craft unions already in the field, the A. F. of L. took over management of the new organizations "for a provisional period."

"This is one of the most important steps the Federation has taken in recent years." crowed Typographer Howard. But already the Federation had performed one of its handsprings of inconsistency which trouble its friends and delight its foes. The brewers' union was petitioning to retain jurisdiction over teamsters, engineers and firemen in the brewing trades. Disregarding the plea that the union needed all its strength to fight rival organizations, the convention ordered the executive committee to direct the teamsters, engineers and firemen back to their individual craft unions.

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