Monday, May. 08, 1939

Adolf to Franklin

Had some one reminded Franklin Roosevelt to put into his peace-offering message to Adolf Hitler last month some honest acknowledgment of the faults of the Versailles Treaty, Herr Hitler's reply to Mr. Roosevelt last week (see p. 18) might have been much shorter, less sarcastic. The President's omission gave Herr Hitler a fine opening to shoot over the Roosevelt shoulder at Woodrow Wilson, and students of debate could but admire the adroitness with which he seized this opening. Herr Hitler has never been noted for humor. To some unsung ghostwriter, perhaps, was due an Iron Cross for supplying cracks that made even non-Nazis smile wryly and which put Debater Hitler at least level with Debater Roosevelt in man-to-man repartee.

Roosevelt: Millions of people now fear war.

Hitler: "This fear . . . has undoubtedly existed among mankind from time immemorial. . . . For instance, after the peace treaty of Versailles 14 wars were waged between 1919 and 1938 alone, in none of which Germany was concerned. . . .

"The reason for this fear lies simply and solely in an unbridled agitation on the part of the press . . . which in the end goes so far that interventions from another planet are believed possible and cause scenes of desperate alarm."/-

R. Major wars leave scars for generations.

H. "No one knows this better than the German people. For the peace treaty of Versailles imposed burdens . . . which could not have been paid off even in a hundred years, although it has been proved precisely by American teachers of constitutional law, historians and professors of history that Germany was no more to blame for the outbreak of the war than any other nation."

R. Leaders of great nations should preserve their peoples from disaster.

H. Then it is a "punishable neglect" for leaders not to control war-agitating newspapers, and disturbing to recall ambassadors "without any reason."

R. Three nations in Europe, one in Africa have been exterminated.

H. "A historical error." The European ones (Austria, Czecho-Slovakia, Albania) were made in 1918 into nations "which they never wished to be and never were." As for Ethiopia, what about the Moroccans, Berbers, Arabs, Negroes?

R. Self-evident home defense is the only excuse for war.

H. What about the U. S. in the World War? "Let us hope . . . the United States will in the future ... not go to war . . . except in the case of unquestionable home defense."

R. All international problems can be solved at the council table.

H. Theoretically, perhaps. "My skepticism, however, is based on the fact that it was America herself who gave sharpest expression to her mistrust in the effectiveness of conferences. For the greatest conference of all time was without any doubt the League of Nations.

"The freedom of North America was not achieved at the conference table any more than the conflict between the North and the South was decided there. . . .

"I mention all this only in order to show that your view, Mr. Roosevelt, although undoubtedly deserving of all honor, finds no confirmation in the history either of your own country or of the rest of the world."

R. Let Germany lay down her arms before conferring.

H. Last time Germany did that, the Allies' word to her was broken. Despite Woodrow Wilson's promises, the German representatives at Versailles "were subjected to even greater degradations than can ever have been inflicted on the chieftains of the Sioux tribes. . . .

"Every German negotiator should and shall have behind him the united strength of the German nation, so help me God."

R. Nations must enter conferences as they would a court, in good faith, assuming substantial justice will be done.

H. "Incidentally, the United States itself declined to enter the League of Nations and to become the victim of a court which was able, by a majority vote, to give a verdict against individual interests."

R. Hitler should frankly state Germany's aims. These aims would then be transmitted, by Mr. Roosevelt, to apprehensive countries.

H. "Is Mr. Roosevelt in a position, in spite of the enormous amount of work which must rest upon him in his own country, to recognize of his own accord all these inner spiritual and mental impressions of other peoples and their governments? . . .

". . . I should not like to let this opportunity pass without giving above all to the President of the United States an Assurance regarding those territories which would, after all, give him most cause for apprehension, namely the United States itself and the other States of the American continent."

R. Relief from the burden of armaments should be discussed first.

H. Disarmed after the War, Germany proposed world arms limitation time & again and as late as 1934. "It never occurred to any one even to discuss the matter.

"Nevertheless, I do not want to be an obstacle in the way of disarmament discussions at which you, Mr. Roosevelt, intend to be present. I would ask you, however, not to appeal first to me and to Germany, but rather to the others; I have a long line of practical experience behind me and shall remain skeptically inclined until reality has taught me to know better."

R. Secondly, opening up international trade should be discussed.

H. "It is my belief, Mr. Roosevelt, that it would be a great service if you with your great influence, would remove these barriers genuinely to free world trade beginning with the United States. For it is my , conviction that if the leaders of nations are not even capable of regulating production in their own countries or of removing boycotts pursued for ideological reasons which can damage trade relations between countries to so great an extent, there is much less prospect of achieving . . . any really fruitful step. . . .

"The German people have made in this regard very concrete claims and I would appreciate it very much if you, Mr. Roosevelt, as one of the successors to the late President Wilson, were to devote yourself to seeing that promises be at last redeemed on the basis of which Germany once laid down her arms and gave herself up to the so-called victors. . . .

"President Wilson solemnly pledged his word that German colonial claims, like all others, would receive the same just examination. Instead of this, however, German possessions were given to nations that have always had the largest colonial empires, while our people were exposed to a great anxiety which is now--as it will continue to be in future--particularly pressing.

"It would be a noble act if President Franklin Roosevelt were to redeem the promises made by President Woodrow Wilson."

All this was smart talk from Adolf Hitler to undermine Franklin Roosevelt at home (see p. 13). But he saved his very smartest answer for his last. To Franklin Roosevelt's declaration that heads of States are responsible for the fate of humanity, A. Hitler cried:

"Mr. Roosevelt! I fully understand that the vastness of your nation and the immense wealth of your country allows you to feel responsible for the history of the whole world and for the history of all nations. I, sir, am placed in a much more modest and smaller sphere. You have 130,000,000 people on 9,500,000 square kilometers.

"You possess a country with enormous riches in all mineral resources, fertile enough to feed a half billion people and to provide them with all necessities.

"I once took over a State which was faced by complete ruin. . . .

"I have conquered chaos in Germany, re-established order and enormously increased production in all branches of our national economy, by strenuous efforts produced substitutes for numerous materials which we lack, smoothed the way for new inventions, developed traffic, caused mighty roads to be built and canals to be dug, called into being gigantic new factories and at the same time endeavored to further the education and culture of our people.

"I have succeeded in finding useful work once more for the whole of 7,000,000 unemployed, who so appeal to the hearts of us-all. . . .

"I, who 21 years ago was an unknown worker and soldier of my people, have attained this, Mr. Roosevelt, by my own energy, and can, therefore, in the face of history, claim a place among those men who have done the utmost which can be fairly and justly demanded from a single individual.

"You, Mr. Roosevelt, have a much easier task in comparison. You became President of the United States in 1933 when I became Chancellor of the Reich. In other words, from the very outset you stepped to the head of one of the largest and wealthiest States in the world. . . .

"Conditions prevailing in your country are on such a large scale that you can find time and leisure to give your attention to universal problems. Consequently, the world is undoubtedly so small for you that you perhaps believe that your intervention and action can be effective everywhere. . . ."

/- Gratis advertisement of Orson Welles's broadcast of The War of the Worlds (TIME, Nov. 7).

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