"Solidarity Has Triumphed"

Cuba's sticky tropical heat hung heavily over Havana last week, wilted the neat white suits of solemn Pan-American Conference delegates, kindled explosive oaths in the voices of bustling foreign newsmen, sent little rivulets of perspiration streaming down the beaming faces of 5,000 convening Lions. But the vibrating activity of Havana rose with the temperature as the Conference week rolled on to completion.

By 9:45 every morning crowds of Latin-American delegates had already passed through the great sculptured doors of Cuba's $20,000,000 Capitolio, stood chatting in the lobby at the head of the long flight of marble steps. Only dark patch in the sea of white was the conservative blue business suit draping the lank frame of U. S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull. A long file of big beflagged cars moved slowly through the surrounding palm-shaded park, bringing more conferees to the red-carpeted entrance. By 10 o'clock committees were already at work in secret session, hammering away at the 56 proposals presented for consideration. Along the colored marble corridors, decorated with gold leaf and mahogany, moved other delegates, whispering, gesticulating, buttonholing passing representatives.

In the afternoon newsmen hustled to the delegations' press conferences, heard reports on the morning's progress. Ignored were the colorless, day-late official handouts prepared by Conference Press Chief Count Nicolas del Rivero, brother of Falangist Strong Man Jose Ignacio Rivero. Behind a desk in his eighth-floor Nacional Hotel office, Secretary Hull received U. S. correspondents, biting the plastic rim of his spectacles, answering questions until his growing hoarseness forced Press Chief Mike McDermott to call it a day.

In the patio below, Dr. Leopoldo Melo, head of the Argentine delegation, slouched in a wicker chair, gesturing with small, delicate hands to emphasize his soft-voiced Spanish sentences. Behind him as interpreter stood handsome, black-haired, flashing-eyed Luis Mariano Zuberbuhler, secretary of the delegation. No newcomer to Pan-American conferences, a stanch U. S. friend is scholarly Buenos Aires Lawyer Melo, onetime Radical Antiper-sonalista (conservative) Deputy & Senator, onetime Minister of Interior. At the Panama meeting last autumn he went over the head of Foreign Minister Jose M. Cantilo, appealed directly to President Roberto M. Ortiz, threatened to resign unless Argentina approved U. S. plans for a neutrality belt around the Americas.

By night Havana resumed its appearance of a gay vacation city. From six to nine the tiny Nacional bar was crowded with delegates of all nationalities, newsmen, wives and secretaries of the delegates. To the Florida, Zaragozana or Paris went the visitors to dine, then back to the Nacional for moonlight dancing or to any pack-jammed little Cuban cabaret. One night in Cathedral Square a Spanish dancing show celebrated, a day late, the 157th birthday of South America's Hero No. 1, Simon Bolivar.

Aims and Objectives. The U. S. had called the Conference with the hope of getting unanimous agreement of all 21 republics on these principal objectives:

1) some form of mandate over European colonies in the Western Hemisphere;

2) control of fifth-column activities;

3) hemispheric defense; 4) disposal of surplus exports. Biggest U. S. bargaining point was the immense personal popularity of Secretary Hull. His well-known ability to win friends and influence people was not long in asserting itself. At the opening plenary session Hull and Dr. Melo, key man among the possible dissidents, began an Alphonse and Gaston act which lasted all week. When Melo entered the hall for the first meeting Hull went over and shook hands. After Hull spoke, Melo shook his hand. After Melo spoke Hull shook his.

From then on these two wise, patriotic old statesmen tussled in private conference over the biggest and most urgent Conference problem: European-owned New World colonies. In the name of all the American republics, Secretary Hull early expressed the need of a "collective trusteeship" over territories which might undergo a transfer of sovereignty, stressed the need for machinery which would be applicable at a moment's notice. Bald, long-nosed, heavy-set Dr. Melo held out for less precipitate action. He plumped hard for Wilsonian self-determination, preferred quick diplomatic consultation in case of emergency to a binding course of action based on hypothetical issues. Firmly pro-U. S. and pro-Pan-American, Argentina was nevertheless reluctant to involve itself in a war over distant Carib bean islands without a U. S. guarantee to defend Argentina, which the U. S. is unable to do.

But at week's end Dr. Melo walked wearily out of the Capitolio, wiped his perspiring head, announced a thumping success for Pan-Americanism: "American solidarity has triumphed." Agreed upon was "the Act of Havana."

Contrary to the early fears of some observers, the U. S. had not signed up for another haggling match of the sort it harnessed on itself with its own Neutrality Act. Eventually one representative from each signatory nation will select a committee of three to act as an actual administrative body to exercise collective administration over any threatened European colony. But the Act of Havana includes a significant "emergency" clause:

If the necessity for emergency action be deemed so urgent as to make it impossible to await action of the whole committee, any of the American republics, individually or jointly with others, shall have the right to act in a manner required for its defense or for the defense of the continent.

Highly pleased was Tennessean Hull. Equally pleased was legal-minded Dr. Melo. According to the Act's primary provision, Argentina will not have to sign the convention, which requires only the ratification of the Governments of two-thirds of the 21 nations. Fourteen signatories were assured. Substitution of collective "administration," implying only temporary rule, for "trusteeship" satisfied Dr. Melo's juridical principles.

Unfinished Business. Less explicit, no less important were decisions reached by the economic committee. It proposed augmented intra-continental commodity-marketing agreements to be worked out by technicians in postConference Washington sessions. Principal tasks will be solution of the surplus problem, and "protection" against purchasers employing barter or blocked currency methods. The Inter-American Bank, with funds presumably to be borrowed from the U. S. Export-Import Bank, will supply the backing.

Little Plans. With the major Conference achievements ready for endorsement in plenary session this week, delegates turned in the final hours of the Conference to last-minute proposals regarding specific but lesser problems. Chile, home of large British interests, had a plan to expropriate utilities belonging to non-American nationals in the event of the capture of the Governments protecting them. The appropriate committee proposed further study of means to repatriate foreign-owned shares in Latin-American public utilities by direct purchase.

The Conference neutrality committee offered a general resolution condemning fifth-column and propaganda activity, including a common policy aimed at reducing the privileges of certain foreign embassies and consulates. In addition, the U. S. recommended mutual warning and aid in case of a threat to democratic institutions, joint exchange of information about subversive activities. Detailed action will be taken by the Inter-American Neutrality Committee at Rio de Janeiro and at a meeting of jurists & police officials to be called at Rio before year's end.

The question of military cooperation will probably be settled in postConference consultations, with the U. S. standing ready to help the weaker republics build up their defenses with the aid of Export-Import Bank loans. In addition, the U. S. will be able to offer direct military aid to any nation requesting it, under the proposed mutual assistance provision of the fifth-column resolution, without incurring charges of Yankee imperialism.

The success of Mr. Hull and his col leagues in rubbing the sand out of the hemisphere's eyes was best measured by the abuse the dictatorships began heaping on the Havana conferees (see p. 24).

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