The Shah Speaks

Twenty-two-year-old Mohammed Shah Pahlavi, the Allies' straw man in Iran, proved last week that he is not too young to understand affairs. In his first statement for the U.S. press, he made clear that as ruler of Iran, which is the switchyard of Allied-Soviet traffic, he had sense enough to know on which side his throne was buttered.

Four months ago, Mohammed Shah's father, tough old Reza Shah Pahlavi, abdicated, leaving his handsome, brilliant son a turbulent domain of seething tribes and conflicts which had been spiked together for 16 years mainly by the old Shah's iron will. He also left his son two potent guests who had just invaded Iran: the British and Russian Armies.

Last week, the uniformed monarch received New York Timesman Cyrus Sulzberger, sat him down on a little sofa, graciously accepted one of Timesman Sulzberger's Iranian cigarets (though he usually smokes American brands only), and spoke the mind that was not his with perceptible overtones of irony:

"Our form of government, like our geographical position, naturally inclines us toward Britain and Russia. Our relations with Russia have been excellent ever since the establishment of the Soviet system, and, of course, they are good with Britain."

These affinities (as well as geography) had done wonders for the Shah's public works. "My country's railways and roads," he said, "are being steadily improved, and some roads will be hard-surfaced. We still have not enough rolling stock, but more is coming from Britain." Nor would the roads and railways lie idle. The Shah described a bill before the Iranian Parliament giving Russia and Britain control of transport across the country for the duration. "I hope and believe this treaty will be signed very soon," he said.

The Shah had to confess that the four-month-old revolution which had restored liberties in Iran was, in some ways, embarrassing. But as an ally of the democracies he put up with it--perhaps not too painfully. Speech was now so free that the Parliament was delaying the transport bill with interminable debate. Individual opinions were so tolerated that swastikas might be seen on many walls, and in the bazaar hawkers sold portraits of Adolf Hitler. And anyone who wanted could listen to his radio and hear Axis propaganda. The Shah confessed himself a frequent listener to Japanese broadcasts in Iranian. "The Japanese," he said, "never mention themselves, but always talk of what Germany can do for Iran. They . . . invariably describe Hitler as a Mohammedan who is a direct descendant of the Prophet, and who was born with a sacred green belt about his middle."

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