Monday, Oct. 05, 1942

G.O.P. Decalogue

The Republican members of the House of Representatives last week unveiled a ' surprise Republican platform for the campaign of 1942. For the first time in several months the press found itself praising a statesmanlike stand by the G.O.P. Said the ten-point manifesto approved by a caucus of 115 G.O.P. representatives:

1) The nation's war effort must continue unabated until complete decisive victory is won.

2) We oppose any attempts to negotiate peace.

3) The U.S. is obligated to effect a world understanding for continued peace.

4) We pledge constant vigilance to eliminate Government inefficiency.

5) We will continue to give the President loyal support in the war. The gravity of the situation requires the undivided effort of everyone.

6) The right and duty to criticize must be fully exercised.

7) The nation's peril must not be exploited by any individual or group for special gains.

8) Individual freedoms must not be permanently surrendered in the name of the war.

9) We shall insist that nondefense spending be reduced to essentials.

10) We oppose any use of the war effort as an excuse for unwarranted encroachment on free enterprise. In winning the war we must not lose the peace.

This plain, effective platform had not been drawn up overnight. It dated from last July when mastiff-faced Representative J. William Ditter of Ambler, Pa., chairman of the Republican National Congressional Committee decided that the G.O.P. Congressmen needed a solid platform to campaign on.

He and his vice chairmen sweated for three weeks drawing it up. His brain trust consisted of Representative Clifford R. Hope of Garden City, Kans.; Albert E Carter of Oakland, Calif.; Everett M Dirksen of Pekin, Ill.; Richard B. Wigglesworth of Milton, Mass.; John M. Robsion of Barbourville, Ky.

The members of this group, among the best Republican brains in the House, each drew up his own ten points. Then they argued, cast out some proposals, refined others. After 19 false starts they got a document that satisfied them. The Republican caucus liked it ard adopted it. When they finally decided that the time was ripe to publish it, it won the private admiration of even most Democrats.

For two days House Republicans sat back, pleased. But point seven ("There can be no vested interests in this war") soon felled their pride. Coming up was the inflationary Brown amendment (see p. 19) to raise farm price ceilings under pressure of farmers' vested interests. For the inflationary amendment the Republicans plumped 99 to 53, helped a minority of Democrats appease the farm lobby. Sensing that the future of the Republican Party if not of Congress itself was at stake, one member of Ditter's brain trust said bluntly: "By God, we are caught on that one. There is just no backing out of it. I hope we do better on the other points in the future or we've wasted a hell of a lot of time."

Chairman Ditter had cause for worry. His fine platform which boosted the improving chances of his party could boomerang if the party failed to live up to it.

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