War Within a War

Down through the rocky hills of Croatia and Bosnia last week swept a formidable Axis army. Its aim: destruction of the Partisan armies and liquidation of the free democratic state comprising roughly one-sixth of Yugoslavia--larger than Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island combined. The Stukas started off well by destroying the towns of Drvar and Tsetingrad.

Not without reason had the German High Command decided to engage in a major operation against the Yugoslav Partisans at a time when every Axis soldier was needed in Russia. The Partisans had proved themselves a menace to Hitler's New Order. In a recent advance their armies, commanded by stalwart, black-haired Kosta Nagy, captured the town of Karlovac, 30 miles from the Croatian capital of Zagreb, and approached Banja Luka, Bosnia's second largest town, throwing the fear of the Lord into the hearts of the puppet government.

Civil War. Axis strategy in Yugoslavia, as elsewhere, has been to create disunity that would lead to the annihilation of "inferior" peoples. German agents supply arms to Slovenian "White Guard" militia who fight the Partisans. They support quisling regimes. As Serbs, Slovenes, Croats, Moslems, Clericals, Communists and Democrats swelled the Partisan ranks, the Axis has supported anyone who would fight the Partisans.

Caught in the whirlpool, General Draja Mihailovich is operating in general to the southeast of the area held by the Partisans. He has been receiving arms from the Italians. According to the Yugoslav Government in Exile, Mihailovich got arms from the Italians ostensibly to fight the Partisans, but actually put them away for future anti-Axis operations.

Negotiation. In the interest of unity in Yugoslavia and the prevention of a bloody civil war, negotiations opened recently between Moscow and the Yugoslav Government in Exile. But a Soviet note delivered to the emigre government was not published by the Government in Exile. And the exile Government's lengthy replies to Soviet proposals probably took the form of arguments that Mihailovich was the actual leader of all anti-Axis forces in Yugoslavia, accusations that the Russians support the Partisans for ulterior motives. Pressed by journalists, the emigre officials admitted they had no idea where Mihailovich was, that he had been inactive for months while Partisans were doing almost all the fighting.

The Partisans Speak. This state of affairs, plus an Allied note of congratulation to Mihailovich from General Eisenhower (TIME, Jan. 25), got under the skin of the Partisans. Stocky, raven-haired Ivan Ribar, chief of the Partisan Free Yugoslav state, broadcast angrily: "Not only have we inflicted great losses on the Axis enemy . . . but for the first time the peoples of Yugoslavia have been united. . . . Don't let Mihailovich's agents crush our unity."

Last week President Ribar called a special session of his National Assembly of 68 members, sent a resolution to Washington, London and Moscow placing the Partisan-Mihailovich issue squarely before the principal United Nations. "We made known many times," said the resolution, "that.. . Mihailovich is openly collaborating with the Italians and covertly with the Germans. Mihailovich has no army worthy of name; but a certain number of officers of the old Yugoslav Army, under Axis protection, organized a force of Serb peasants and sent them against our units.

"We believe we merit that the Allies manifest more interest in our country and we reiterate our invitation to them to send a commission representing all the Allied Governments in order to convince themselves on the spot of the true state of affairs."

To the Last Man. Last week, in a cave in the Bosnian hills, Anna Furlan, a black-haired girl, tended a score of wounded Partisans. Axis troops were advancing under the cover of Stukas. The Partisans fell back doggedly, drawing the fascist forces between two mountains where they might be cut off and annihilated. The tactic was simple, but the cave, the wounded Partisans and Anna would fall into fascist hands. When the Germans came close to the mouth of the cave, Anna got a tommy gun, killed all the wounded men, then herself.

Anna came from a good Croat family. She was neither a bandit nor a Communist. But she had an idea she considered worth dying for--the idea of a free federation of the south Slavic peoples. It was not a new idea. For many decades--during the days of Turkish rule and through the Habsburg era--men had fought for it. But last week in Yugoslavia many men and women had decided that, this time, just fighting was not enough. They must achieve it or die.

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