"O Free and Glorious . . ."

Ten eager hands thrust fountain pens toward the big, swarthy man at the head of the velvet-covered table. Grinning, he dug into a pocket for his own pen, then scribbled his initials on the sheet of paper before him. Suddenly it was over and the room exploded into mad applause; the watching throng--soldiers, government officials, reporters--crowded in to pound his back and plant kisses on his cheek.

It was a great moment for Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser, the 36-year-old soldier-revolutionary who is Premier of Egypt. He had achieved what Egyptians had been trying to do for over 70 years: get Britain's troops off their country's soil. London had at last agreed to evacuate its mighty Suez Canal base. "Now I am worthy of my uniform," exulted Nasser's close friend, General Abdel Hakim Amer, commander of Egypt's army.

After downing a lemonade, Colonel Nasser spoke triumphantly over Cairo radio: "Fate has stored this day for glory." Cairo radio itself waxed lyrical: "O Free and Glorious, it pleases the Egyptian radio at this historic moment, the moment of happiness, joy, dignity and freedom . . . to inform you . . . [that we have] cast away the last fetter on . . . glorious independence."

Heads of Agreement. Until the last moment it looked as if some hitch, some remaining suspicion, might prevent the settlement. But U.S. Ambassador Jefferson Cafferey, acting as honest broker, had done much to diminish mutual mistrust. Besides, Britain was anxious for a settlement. War Secretary Antony Head was flown in from London, given great latitude in negotiating, and told to get a settlement. Both sides began some fast compromising. Finally they initialed what was called a "Heads of Agreement," a new bit of British diplomatic jargon for agreement in principle. It provides that:

P:Britain must remove all 83,000 of its troops from Suez within 20 months. P:Britain may, for seven years, continue to use the vast storehouses and machine shops to outfit and maintain its Middle East forces. But during this time the Suez base must be staffed not by the military but by civilian technicians, under a private contractor. P:Britain's troops may return to Suez and reactivate the entire base if any of the eight Arab League states or Turkey is attacked.

Murmurs of Dissent. Next day, after the good news had spread, wave after wave of shouting crowds spilled into Cairo's streets carrying banners hailing Egypt's revolution and its leader, Colonel Nasser. Not everybody was happy: survivors of the corrupt, once-powerful Wafd party put out pamphlets denouncing the terms of the Suez "compromise." But in Cairo's exultation, the dissension was hardly heard; most Egyptians seemed convinced that Nasser had done well by the nation.

Out in the base itself, British troops exulted, too. They were glad to be cooped up no longer in their hot, sandbagged quarters (in recent months, cut off from Egyptian supplies, they have had to import beer and fresh fruits and vegetables, sometimes all the way from England).

The Suez settlement was a personal triumph for Nasser, the postal worker's son, who two years ago joined other dedicated young officers in ousting King Farouk and six months ago shelved General Naguib to take power himself. The first economic benefits of the settlement would come soon: as part of the bargain the U.S. has promised to release $20 million worth of aid, which had been held up to force a settlement. Colonel Nasser, with a patriotic victory behind him, can now turn to Egypt's basic problem: the misery of its millions of landless fellahin.

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