Against the Storm

No Gallup poll was needed at the White House last week to announce a bitter bit of news: in the wake of the budget ruckus, Dwight Eisenhower's authority had ebbed low on Capitol Hill.* But among Ike's advisers unhappy knowledge drew divided reaction. Ignore it, said some. Counter it, suggested others, by delivering a frontal assault on the economy-harried Congress. Eventually Ike decided to move midway between suggestions, deliver a three-pronged plea: to the people by television, to the leaders of Congress in person, to a segment of his own disoriented party by telephone.

Beyond Rock-Bottom. First came Congress. Into the White House Cabinet Room early one morning trooped 27 legislative leaders, including the ranking members of the House's and Senate's prime committees--Foreign Relations, Appropriations, Armed Services. Object of the meeting with Ike: to hear of a foreign aid program about to begin its inauspicious way through the congressional mill.

To spell out the importance of the program, the President had summoned some top brass, including Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, Deputy Defense Secretary Donald Quarles, ICA Director John Hollister, and two Capitol Hill veterans now on Ike's foreign affairs staff, Democrats Walter George and James P. Richards. But neither rank nor frankness could move the leaders to show much enthusiasm for the foreign aid program. They were unimpressed when Ike reported that his foreign aid proposal could be slashed $500 million through economies in military purchasing. They were not much more impressed when he listed as his rock-bottom figures $2.8 billion for mutual defense, another $1.08 billion for economic aid. Word leaked out that Georgia's powerful Richard Russell had congratulated the President on the foreign aid trimming and broadly implied that this might prove that the budget was still vulnerable in other areas.

Short of War. Ike was in no mood for compromise next day when he addressed by telephone hookup a meeting of Southern Republicans at Louisville. He offered brief praise for a worthy accomplishment; i.e., the G.O.P. national ticket last fall carried 44 of the South's 57 most populous counties. But this was not enough. "Unfortunately," lectured the chief of the party, "we did not have candidates in 65 of the 114 congressional districts last year. I suggest as one of your goals for 1958 the correction of this situation." Another goal: to understand the nature of the controversy upsetting the G.O.P. "All of us want a smaller budget," said the President. "But it costs a lot of money to preserve our security and to wage peace."

The President's new offensive came none too soon, for the flap over the budget had signaled a remarkably resolute rebellion against the whole Eisenhower program by the G.O.P. Old Guard. Also with each passing day Congressmen were getting themselves committed to new budget cuts and--in the absence of any public clamor in defense of Ike's program--taking up political positions from which retreat might be difficult.

* Gallup last week reported that 67% of the voters think Ike is doing a good job. The figure is down 5% since March--but is still higher than the averages of either Franklin D. Roosevelt (63%) or Harry Truman (46%).

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