Revolt in Baghdad

In the hot and restless Middle East, death alone is the one swift, sure way to bring change. Disaster struck there this week in classic fashion: an army coup, mobs in the streets, hired assassins, overthrow of the legitimate government. Death and revolution struck on a Monday morning in Iraq. Down went the pro-Western government of Nuri asSaid, and of his young British-educated monarch, King Feisal. The military junta that seized control of Baghdad proclaimed Iraq now a republic, and got off an exultant message of comradeship to Egypt's Dictator Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Such coups d'etat have gone on for centuries, but have taken on an ominous new meaning since Nasser came to power, proclaiming an Arab nationalism that overleaps borders and spreads by inflammatory radio appeals. If the rebels succeeded in consolidating their revolt, Nasser would become the undisputed ruler of the entire Arab world. For the West, if it did not meet Nasser's challenge, the result would be catastrophic.

The first word crackled from the radios of Cairo, Damascus and Baghdad. The word: an army junta had overthrown the government and set up a three-man "sovereignty council" led by a little-known army general, Abdel Karim Kassem. From the Baghdad Radio, rechristened "Free Iraq Radio," and Nasser's announcers in Egypt and Syria, came sketchy details, whose authenticity had to be measured against the plotters' desire to stir further panic. Broadcasts said that the junta had seized the capital city before dawn, that wispy Crown Prince Abdul Illah, uncle of the young King, had been assassinated. The fate of 23-year-old King Feisal, ruler of the five-month-old Arab Union of Iraq and Jordan, and of 70-year-old Strongman Nuri asSaid was unknown. First broadcast said that Nuri, great friend of the West, had been beaten to death by a mob: "The enemy of God and his master have been killed and are lying in the street." But later broadcasts did not mention the Premier or his fate.

Nasser's Middle East News Agency gleefully described the assassination of Crown Prince Abdul Illah: "The people dragged Abdul Illah's body into the street like that of a dog and tore it limb from limb." Then the mobs burned the body. It was Abdul Illah who ruled Iraq as regent until Feisal became King at 18.

As crowds in the streets of Baghdad shouted "Nasser, we are your soldiers," and the insurgents denounced Feisal as a "traitor," rebels announced formation of a fourteen-man cabinet headed by Brigadier General Kassem as Premier and including four other generals. That the plot had been carefully arranged was obvious: within hours of the first move, the rebels announced the civilian officials in a new government, declared martial law, purged loyal army commanders and renamed military units which bore royal titles.

Declared the rebel radio: "We have decided to form an Iraqi republic which adheres to full Arab unity and pray God to help us all." Shrilled another broadcast: "Today is a day to kill and be killed. Down with imperialist agents. Compatriots, now we can speak and breathe." Another broadcast gave the first indication that at least some supporters of the King were fighting back. "Some of our compatriots are firing on us," reported the rebel radio announcer in almost disbelieving tones. By midafternoon, with resistance not ended, the radio was urging Iraqi womanhood to stand by "your free brothers fighting in the streets."

Waiting in Vain. The revolt had been timed for the early morning departure of King Feisal, the Crown Prince, and Nuri asSaid for Istanbul, to attend an emergency session of the Baghdad Pact--concerned not about Iraq, but revolt-torn Lebanon.

In Istanbul, Turkey's President and Premier were standing at the airport. The honor guard was drawn up, the bands ready to play--but the Iraqi guests never arrived. In alarm, Turkish President Celal Bayar and Premier Adnan Menderes took off for their capital at Ankara to consider their next move. Another pact partner, Iran, closed its border and alerted its army. But these were but feeble protective responses. Without Iraq the Baghdad Pact would be meaningless.

Across the insecure borders of the Arab Middle East the repercussions spread. Most jeopardized immediately was Jordan, Iraq's partner in the Arab Union.

Only last week Jordan's King Hussein had proclaimed the discovery of a murder plot against him. The King had ordered the arrest of 60 Jordanian army officers, including one of his most trusted lieutenants. Presumably, the plots in Amman and Baghdad to kill both young Kings had been timed to go off almost simultaneously. Hearing the news of the revolt in Baghdad, stout-hearted young King Hussein this week proclaimed himself new head of the Arab Union, and broadcast to his people: "We shall pilot the ship toward a safe harbor, relying on our loyal people and army."

Next in jeopardy was Lebanon, the half-Moslem, half-Christian nation which has been torn for two months by an internal revolt against pro-Western President Camille Chamoun, which is aided and abetted by arms, men and radio encouragement from Nasser. At the beginning of the week, both weary sides were reportedly ready to agree on Army Chief Fuad Shehab as new President. But success of the revolt in Iraq undoubtedly would set the Lebanese rebels against any compromise.

Beyond these two concerned countries stood Israel, which was in no mood to be entirely surrounded by Nasser's Arabs, and might resume the war against Nasser it abandoned so reluctantly in 1956. Also deeply involved was Britain, whose oil wealth lies in Iraq, and for whom Iraq is the last major bastion in the Middle East.

Meanwhile Nasser was in Yugoslavia, holidaying after his visit with Tito. When he gets back home, Nasser will find that things have changed in the Middle East, and the whole world convinced that he who had most to gain by the changes undoubtedly had a hand in their taking place.

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