Waiting for the Call

Economics Minister Ludwig Erhard, that pudgy and popular fellow, has been itching to get his hands on the top job in West Germany, and can hardly wait for Chancellor Konrad Adenauer to retire as promised next fall. He has shyly nudged der Alte before, only to be rapped harshly on the knuckles. Last week Erhard puffed up his chest and tried again.

To a Munich newspaper, Ludwig declared his willingness to take over right now. "I would be ready to accept a call to the chancellorship if my party and the Bundestag so decided," he announced, clearly hoping that others felt as he did. After all, many of West Germany's restive politicians had been grumbling over Charles de Gaulle's courtship of der Alte, wondering whether the price of Germany's new friendship treaty with France was an unacceptable subservience to France, and whether it required siding with the French against both Britain and the U.S.

No Support. But when Erhard sat back to listen for the expected cries of support, there was nothing but silence. He had overreached himself. At the first Cabinet meeting after Erhard gave out his readiness-to-serve interview, Konrad Adenauer simply smiled and agreed with every complaint poor Ludwig could think of.

Would the Chancellor flatly endorse Britain's entry into the Common Market? he demanded. Of course, Adenauer agreed blandly. Would Adenauer declare that NATO and close relations with the U.S. were the basis of Bonn's diplomacy? Naturally, smiled der Alte. Then came the clanger. Would Adenauer disassociate himself from De Gaulle's ideas of creating a Third Force between East and West? Snapped der Alte: Of course not, no need for it. De Gaulle had never even discussed such thoughts with him; besides, West Germany is opposed to such a policy.

Running out of steam--and questions --Erhard looked around the room for support from Foreign Minister Gerhard Schroder and Defense Minister Kai-Uwe von Hassel. They, like Erhard, are pro-British, and like Erhard, have grave reservations about Adenauer's comradeship with De Gaulle. But neither was prepared to bring down the government; Schroder found a sudden fascination in his thumbnails; Von Hassel shuffled papers.

Neglected Conscience. Next day, at a caucus of the ruling Christian Democrats and their allies, Adenauer chided Erhard mercilessly for presuming to seek control of the government. When the Cabinet finally voted on Adenauer's demand that the Franco-German pact be ratified immediately, Erhard's nein was overwhelmingly defeated.

For the Chancellor, there was now only the Bundestag to be dealt with. Konrad Adenauer, 87, handled the situation with deft ease. The Franco-German treaty "is not a substitute for European integration," he told the assembled legislators. "It is merely one of the essential prerequisites." As a matter of fact, declared der Alte, De Gaulle "promised me that the first subject of joint consultation after the treaty goes into effect will be British entry" into the Common Market. As for the Atlantic alliance, "Europe knows that it cannot defend itself without the support of the United States. I underline again our repeatedly expressed intention of organizing our defense in the framework of NATO."

Ludwig Erhard sat silent throughout Adenauer's performance, showed no emotion even when der Alte turned to the economic matters which are Erhard's specialty and said: "Chancellor Erhard will . . . I mean Minister Erhard . . ." Both sides of the house dissolved in laughter as Adenauer permitted himself a rare grin. "Malicious critics will think I did that on purpose," he said. "But I assure you I did not. Well, maybe having a laugh in the middle of such a boring government statement is a good thing."

At week's end, Erhard was right where he had always been, groping for the top rung of the ladder. And Konrad Adenauer was in his accustomed place--on top.

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