The Independent Satellite

As usual, the signs of victory had to be read between the grey, garrulous lines of Communist ideology. First, Izvestia apologized for an article written by an obscure Soviet economist named Valev, who had suggested that a big chunk of Rumania be peeled off for a "Lower Danube Project" aimed at providing more hydroelectric power and irrigation for the Red common market, Comecon.

In his own journal, Viata Economica, Rumania's Boss Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej warned that Comeconomics, if pushed to the limits Moscow envisions, might well drive Rumania out of the scheme. If the Russians persisted in their efforts to relegate Rumania to the role of a mere supplier of raw materials (primarily oil), then Khrushchev might just as well count Rumania out as far as any assistance in Russia's fight with the Red Chinese was concerned. After long consideration, Izvestia found his objections justified. Even more significant was the publication this month in Moscow's journal, Problems of Peace and Socialism, of Gheorghiu-Dej's argument that each Communist leader has the right, if not the duty, to develop his nation's economy as he sees fit.

Crossing the Line. It was the first time that the recalcitrant Rumanian's position had been acknowledged by the Soviet press, and the simple publication of Gheorghiu-Dej's argument for economic individualism was reinforced by the fact that the Russian ideologues offered no rebuttal. Actually a counter argument would have been useless, for last week teams of globe-trotting Rumanians were already busy crossing party lines all over the world, and making friends in the process.

In Italy, a delegation headed by Deputy Premier Gogu Radulescu hit the Innocenti metallurgical factory in Milan and the Fiat auto plant in Turin in connection with a recently signed Rome-Bucharest trade agreement. Earlier an other Deputy Premier, Gheorghe Apostol, floated down the Danube enjoying the hospitality of Austria aboard a vintage riverboat replete with wine and willfulness. "Rumania won her in dependence in 1867," Apostol argued, "and will follow a policy of furthering her own interests. By 1970, Rumania will be a land of industry that must be reckoned with internationally."

Skipping the Summit. To meet that deadline, other Rumanians were dickering with potential economic allies, both East and West. Doubtless to Khrushchev's chagrin, Bucharest announced the conclusion of an accord with Red China that would swap Rumanian know-how in the field of petroleum engineering for Chinese expertise in agriculture, chemistry, and food processing. At the same time, Rumania was sounding out two U.S. firms --Boeing and Douglas-- about the possibility of purchasing short-haul jet transports.

Having acknowledged Rumania's right to pursue its economic future, Moscow hoped in return for help from Gheorghiu-Dej in the polemical struggle with Red China. But last week, when Rumanian Premier Ion Gheorghe Maurer returned from a nine-day Kremlin visit, it seemed that Rumanian cooperation would be limited at best. Khrushchev hopes to convene a huge Red rally--probably some time this fall--to read the Chinese Communists out of the movement.

In preparation for that showdown, Khrushchev wanted to gather all Eastern European leaders this week in War saw on the 20th anniversary of the city's Red army "liberation" to sound out their feelings in the Sino-Soviet quarrel. But Gheorghiu-Dej refused to attend the Warsaw "summit," and to avoid embarrassment, Khrushchev limited his invitations to Poland's immediate neighbors, East Germany's Walter Ulbricht and Czechoslovakia's Antonin Novotny. Rumania appeared to have won the opening round in its fight for economic independence.

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