Amok But Not Asunder

It was the Prophet's 1,394th year to heaven, and the Malay Silat of Singapore were bursting with birthday fervor. The Silat are Moslem warriors who wear black sarongs and practice a karate-like form of combat. About 100 of them brought up the rear of a procession as it made its way last week from Singapore's rambling old cricket field through the center of town, when a Chinese traffic cop ordered them to tighten their ranks so as not to obstruct traffic. A few of the Silat knocked him flat, and in an instant the rest of the Malay crowd reminded everyone that amok is a Malay word.

Quick Retaliation. Screaming "Pukul China!" ("Strike the Chinese!"), the Malays descended thousands strong into Singapore's Chinese neighborhoods, burning cars, hurling motor scooters into drainage ditches, smashing shop windows, and trying the keen edges of their parangs on Chinese throats.

The Chinese were quick to retaliate. Abetted by members of the Triad Society, an illegal but ill-contained gang of Chinese extortionists, pimps, gunmen and gamblers, they took advantage of a break in the hastily imposed curfew to murder a few Malays. One had his head shattered by a hammer, another was scalped by the ragged edge of a broken bottle, and an Indian photographer was found with a cargo hook in his forehead. Before the week was out, 21 Chinese and Malays were dead, 454 injured, and the handsome, prosperous city itself had temporarily become a ghost town. Armored cars carrying cops and troops whispered through Singapore's old colonial arcades over streets covered by a snowfall of broken glass.

Rumahs Were Rife. Singapore's violence has its roots in old racial antagonisms. When Sir Stamford Raffles founded the colony in 1819, there were virtually no Chinese on the sultry island. But since the native Malays were indolent, the British encouraged diligent, apolitical Chinese to come aboard, and today the city-state's population is 74% Chinese. The Malays kept to themselves in their rustic kampongs (villages), jammed into smelly, unlighted thatch-roofed rumahs, which were rife with disease.

Wealthy Chinese, on the other hand, built villas, staffed them with servants and concubines, and took charge of Singapore's economy with little opposition. With an annual per capita income of $450, Singapore today is the wealthiest city in Southeast Asia. But the Malays simply said "Tida apa" ("It doesn't matter"), and rationalized their lowly condition with the help of the Koran, which they interpret as condemning commercial endeavor. As a result, the Malays are largely chauffeurs, street cleaners, firemen and cops, while the bulk of the Chinese are shopkeepers or larger entrepreneurs.

Out of Control. When the Federation of Malaysia, consisting of Singapore, Malaya, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei, was formed last September, the new nation gave a slight numerical edge to the Malays--42% of the 10 million population as opposed to 38% Chinese. The leader of Singapore's Chinese community, Lee Kuan Yew, was a firm backer of the multiracial federation. As Prime Minister (in effect, mayor) of Singapore, "Harry" Lee, though nominally a socialist, had kept Singapore wide open to free enterprise, and fought the Communists hard. At the same time, he did much to help the city's Malay minority. He became so popular in Singapore that in last fall's city elections his People's Action Party won handily over the Malay-dominated United Malaysia National Organization, the party of the federation's Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman.

Lee also challenged the Tunku's U.M.N.O. in national policies; while he did not get very far, the Malays resented it. Party polemicists, who were not encouraged by the Tunku but not sufficiently curbed by him either, falsely charged that Lee was proCommunist, demanded his arrest, burned him in effigy. One leaflet distributed in Singapore bluntly advised: "Before Malay blood flows in Singapore, it is best to flood the state with Chinese blood." It was this sort of racist prodding that contributed to last week's violence.

Anything You Like. As Singapore's rioting subsided into sullen, sporadic outbursts, Prime Minister Abdul Rahman was still busy in Washington. To counter Indonesia's threat that it will "crush Malaysia"--which it probably could do, thanks to Soviet aid in arms and training--the Tunku was seeking U.S. military assistance. Sukarno, said the Tunku, "is to us what Hitler was to Europe."

The U.S. is still determined not to bring about a complete break with Sukarno, and moreover believes that the defense of Malaysia is primarily a British responsibility, but President Johnson promised "anything you like from sergeants on up" in the way of military training. Moreover, he agreed to consider the Tunku's request for U.S. jets and helicopters.

But if Singapore's racial split widens to include the whole federation, not even airplanes will be any help. The feud between Malays and Chinese could then become a greater threat to the federation than Sukarno. To prevent all Malaysia from running amok, Lee and the Tunku called on all Malaysians to cooperate with the central government. "The first phase of the rioting is over," Lee said. "Our business now is to restore confidence. If order isn't restored, we'll all go mad."

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