Revolt of the Toothless Dragons

It took Portugal more than 500 years to acquire its African empire--and less than six months to get rid of most of it. Last week Portuguese Guinea formally received its independence under the name of Guinea-Bissau, and Mozambique was granted a black-dominated government. Angola alone of the old empire remains under full Portuguese control, largely because Lisbon does not know to whom it should hand over the keys of government.

The transfer of power has not made everyone happy, and Portugal's President Antonio de Spinola, whose colleagues had overridden his pledge that independence would come only after a referendum in each territory, looked disgruntled as he signed the documents freeing Guinea-Bissau. In fact, he said not one word during the two-minute ceremony. He is so embittered by the rush toward decolonization that having twice tried but failed to gain for himself stronger powers, he is now said to be on the verge of resigning. He is certain that the guerrilla movements that are now taking control in the territories will lead them toward Communism.

Angry Whites. That could well happen in Mozambique, where Frelimo, the leftist, black-led guerrilla group, will have two-thirds of the government portfolios until next June, when full independence will be granted. Angered at news of the agreement, many Mozambican whites (2.7% of the population) charged that they had been sold out by Lisbon. They want to set up an independent, white-dominated government along the lines of regimes in neighboring Rhodesia and South Africa. Last week white settlers belonging to militant organizations--one ominously named the Dragons of Death--seized the radio station in Lourenc,o Marques, the territory's capital. For three days they broadcast appeals for support to other frightened whites and to blacks belonging to tribes not represented in Frelimo. "We are not protesting about the principle of independence, but about the instruments by which this independence is to be achieved," said the Rev. Uriah Simango, head of a black nationalist group opposed to Frelimo.

Hundreds of hysterical whites crowded the street in front of the radio station. Fearing a racial pogrom, others packed their belongings into cars or trucks and headed toward the South African border. Furious at the possibility that their independence might be denied them, blacks meanwhile went on a rampage, looting stores and beating many whites.

As it turned out, however, the Dragons of Death, who never numbered more than about 50, did not really breathe fire. On the third day of their sit-in, three unimposing civil policemen, one of them armed with a pistol and the other two carrying only batons, pushed past the unshaven, hollow-eyed vigilantes at the station door. "Go home," one of the policemen said. "We will handle this from now on." There was a brief protest, and some of the young rebels menacingly fingered their shotguns and pistols. Finally, one of the policemen put down his baton and wrenched a rocket launcher from one man and a light machine gun from another. "Now clear off," he told the Dragons. "You've had your fun." Sheepishly, they packed up their blankets and weapons and walked out.

Pell-Mell Decision. The takeover of the radio station could not have succeeded even temporarily if the several hundred Portuguese soldiers on duty in Lourenc,o Marques had not been confused and stood idly by while the ragtag band of settlers seized control. Once the army was in firm command, there was no question that the revolt was over--at least for the moment. "We did not know where we stood," said one officer in the army's defense. "Now we know. We have our orders, and we will carry them out." The cost of waiting, however, was considerable: at least 70 were killed and 450 were wounded during the rioting.

In one sense, Lisbon's pell-mell decision to decolonize has increased rather than decreased its overseas burden. Last week's violence in Mozambique may be only a harbinger of trouble to come in Portugal's remaining colonies. Portuguese Timor, a part of a small island north of Australia, is thinking of joining Indonesia, which already holds the rest of the island. Macao, that storied haven for smugglers and spies, is beginning to look toward China; and the Cape Verde islands, 280 miles off the coast of West Africa, will probably either join the new government of Guinea-Bissau or opt for its own independence.

The major problem, however, is likely to come in Angola, by far the richest of Portugal's territories. Its large white population (500,000 out of 6,725,000) and Portuguese business and industrial interests, which have vast holdings there, are certain to put up a much stiffer resistance than was seen in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. The Lisbon junta has set up a two-year independence timetable, and in this case, says Spinola, it will keep its pledge: "The junta has outlined a program of action for Angola from which we will not deviate." If they do, the violence in the colonies could spread to Portugal itself.

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