New Faces and New Strains

As the Democrats rolled up their largest majority in the House in a decade, the gains were spread thinly but widely across the U.S. Except for an impressive five-seat switch in once-Republican Indiana, the pickup was piecemeal: another five seats in New York's big delegation; four each added in New Jersey and California; mostly singles and doubles, if any, in other states. Yet the net result was a solid 43-member boost for the Democrats, providing a 291-to-144 advantage--big enough for majority leaders to ram through almost any legislation they desire but not so large as to become unruly.

But will the Democratic leaders effectively move to use their new power? The burden falls most heavily on House Speaker Carl Albert, who got off to a shaky start in his first term as leader, steadied somewhat in his second and will need to provide firmer guidance in his third. At the same time, the most influential committee, tax-writing Ways and Means, remains under the chairmanship of Wilbur Mills. Although he survived his celebrated blowup with the "Argentine Firecracker" by comfortably winning reelection, Mills' grip on his committee has been seriously slipping. There is talk within the Democratic caucus of clipping the committee's jurisdiction or even easing Mills out as chairman. Next in line is Oregon's Al Ullman, a hard-working liberal, popular with his colleagues. Also likely to assume heavy responsibilities in the next House is New Jersey's Peter Rodino, whose performance as chairman of the Judiciary Committee's impeachment hearings contributed to his lopsided reelection win.

Factional Friction. The Republican leadership, too, will experience new strains. Now thoroughly outgunned, it faces some factional friction within its own ranks. Arizona's John Rhodes, the minority leader, won comfortably but has been too often absent from his floor duties to suit some colleagues. The third-ranking House leader, John Anderson of Illinois, probably will be challenged by conservatives who resent his sharp attacks on Nixon.

Few key committee posts are likely to change hands, since veteran incumbents generally did well. Among the exceptions were three senior Republicans who lost: Virginia's Joel Broyhill, a conservative who blamed his defeat on Watergate, inflation and published "lies" about his extensive real estate transactions; Iowa's William J. Scherle, a more cantankerous conservative, who campaigned in khaki work pants and a farmer's cap but was outorganized in his rural district; and Tennessee's Dan Kuykendall, whose known friendship with Nixon hurt enough to bring on his narrow defeat.

In the large crop of Democratic freshmen there are some aggressive and articulate types who seem likely to be heard from in the new session. They include:

HAROLD FORD. A Tennessee state legislator and one of three brothers on the ballot in Memphis,* Ford, 29, became the first black elected to Congress from that state. He beat Kuykendall in a district that is 46% black by retaining about 16% of the white Democratic vote. Ford bluntly accused Kuykendall of being "the worst Congressman in the U.S." and repeatedly cited the incumbent's support of Nixon. Active in getting blacks to work together in the legislature, he is a strong supporter of liberal social legislation. Ford's father is a prominent Memphis undertaker and Ford, too, is an undertaker, who also holds a master's degree in business administration from Vanderbilt University. For the campaign, the slender Ford put away his modish clothes in favor of pinstripes and softened his sometimes tough language. Which approach he will adopt in Washington is unknown.

TOM HARKIN. Another conqueror of a senior Republican, Harkin, 34, upset Iowa's Scherle in a district made more liberal in 1971 by new lines that encompass Iowa State University in Ames. A former Navy pilot in Viet Nam, Harkin drew national attention in 1971 when, as an assistant to a House committee, he released photographs of the "tiger cage" treatment of political prisoners in South Viet Nam. Formerly a legal-aid lawyer, Harkin successfully employed an unusual campaign tactic by spending 27 days on 27 different jobs, ranging from welding to performing a housewife's home work, in order to acquaint himself with voters' concerns. Harkin urged tougher anti-inflation measures, tax reform and better care for the elderly. He readily accepts Scherle's vow to run again in 1976, quipping: "I'll be glad to draw a crowd for him."

NORMAN MINETA. Normally campaigning 18 hours a day, the popular mayor of San Jose, Calif., defeated Republican George Milias by attacking the Ford Administration's economic summit conferences and WIN buttons as merely "public relations" gimmicks. Mineta, 42, proposed lower interest rates and stronger antitrust action instead. He capitalized on his own record of holding down city property taxes by attracting new business to San Jose and landing federal funds to improve parks and the police and fire departments. Watergate was a factor, since Milias supported Ford's pardon of Nixon while Mineta protested it. Mineta is expected to push hard for federal aid in solving city problems.

LES AUCOIN. Taking a Northwest Oregon district that had not gone Democratic in 81 years, AuCoin (pronounced Oh-coin) is a smooth-talking politician who wears conservative dark suits but is a thorough liberal. As majority leader in the Oregon legislature, AuCoin, 32, championed environmental issues, consumer protection and civil rights. His opponent, Diarmuid O'Scannlain, former director of Oregon's Department of Environmental Quality, was similarly strong in supporting protective environmental measures. But AuCoin, a former newspaperman and university publicist, proved more impressive on television and ran a better-organized, labor-supported campaign.

PAUL TSONGAS. A slight man of Greek descent, Tsongas, 33, is a former Peace Corpsman and Robert Kennedy supporter who became the first Democrat in 90 years to win in a district that includes historic Lexington and Concord near Boston. He is a Yale Law School graduate whose campaign against Republican Incumbent Paul Cronin largely turned into arguments over disclosing income tax returns, personal credibility and political tactics. The campaign became a personality contest in which Tsongas' quiet confidence and unassuming manner were more effective. He had a succinct explanation for his success: "The people wanted a Democrat. We could not have won if Watergate had not taken place."

NORMAN D'AMOURS. Trustbusting was the main pitch of D' Amours, who looks younger than his 37 years. He won a New Hampshire seat, in a district with a big Republican registration edge, by hammering at economic issues. A former city and state prosecutor as well as an assistant state attorney general, D'Amours vowed to apply his legal skills' to "bust up the big oil companies" and the "giant corporations." He ran a low-budget campaign, downplaying his Democratic ties in edging out Chevrolet-Cadillac Dealer David Banks. He won despite the opposition of William Loeb's Manchester Union-Leader.

GLENN ENGLISH. Oklahoma's congressional delegation went all-Democratic as English, former executive director of the state Democratic party, knocked off the highly conservative John N. Happy Camp in a rural Dust Bowl district. English, 33, an oil-and gas-leasing operator, drove some 40,000 miles to meet the area's voters, promising them hard work in Washington even though he frankly admitted that "there's no way I'll solve the problems of the world." The candor was appreciated, but English got a bigger and wholly coincidental lift from a surprising source: a flood hit the district the Saturday before the election. English was able to point out that Camp had voted against a federal flood-insurance bill.

* One brother, John, 32, became a state senator and Emmit, 30, took over Harold's vacated statehouse seat, both without opposition.

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