Turning Back the Clock

China curbs its dissidents and looks again at modernization

In Hubei (Hupeh) province, the local radio station declared that April 5 to May 4 was "Uphold Public Morals Month." Citizens were directed to observe law and order, behave politely and "cherish public property." In Sichuan (Szechwan), the authorities denounced "muddled ideas and unhealthy trends" among "some young people." In Henan (Honan), the Provincial Revolutionary Committee decreed a "total ban" on posters and other publications that criticized socialism, Communist Party leadership or Mao Tse-tung's thought. In Peking, foreign residents learned that Chinese would henceforth be forbidden to make contact with them unless instructed to do so. All across China, party leaders were cracking down on the kind of free expression that had been openly encouraged only five months ago.

The new policy was first signaled by Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping (Teng Hsiao-p'ing) in a speech to party officials last month. Among other things, Deng denounced Chinese who indulged in Western-style dancing or who "sold state secrets" to foreigners. As if on cue, city and provincial bosses quickly went on the attack against all political protest. China's press denounced "ultra-democracy," as well as the "black sheep" who helped "to launch vicious attacks on party and state leaders." The Peking Daily dismissed human rights as a mere "bourgeois slogan."

In Peking, a six-point circular issued by the municipal committee forbade the posting of wall posters anywhere in the city except on the 100-yd. stretch of Changan Avenue at Xidan Street that has become known as democracy wall. A People's Daily editorial, which accompanied the edict, warned against "gatherings and parades that block traffic, attacks on the party, government and military organs," and "other acts of rumor-mongering and troublemaking."

Still more proof that the leadership meant business came when plainclothes police two weeks ago arrested four prominent human rights activists as they tried to paste up a wall poster that denounced the authorities for repression. The activists belong to a group that publishes a clandestine journal called Inquiry. Protesting the arrest of its own editor, Wei Jingsheng, 29, the journal complained: "Where is freedom of speech in China? All criticism is fiercely suppressed as contrary to socialism and to the dictatorship of the proletariat. What brutal hypocrisy!" A wall poster responding to Deng's speech sneered that he and his Politburo cronies were "successors and followers" of the Gang of Four-the clique headed by Mao's widow Jiang Qing (Chiang Ch'ing)-who had been Deng's most bitter enemies.

What had gone wrong? One theory favored by Sinologists was that Deng Xiaoping had concluded that his people had let off enough steam, and that further permissiveness by party leaders was an invitation to anarchy. In fact, China's press for the past few weeks has been filled with strange stories about youthful rebellion. In Shanghai, thousands of unemployed youths who had illegally returned from enforced stints in the countryside rioted near a city employment office in protest against the lack of jobs. According to some wall posters, unemployment had forced girls into prostitution and turned men to become beggars and thieves. The Hunan Daily thundered against "pickpockets, vagabonds and criminals," and reported that five party officials had been fired for staging "wild parties." A Nanjing (Nanking) newspaper told of a witchcraft murder and a resurgence of fortunetelling and divination.

The new policy of the government seemed to be: Don't push democracy too hard. At the same tune, Deng and his allies had a message for foreign businessmen hoping to profit from China's opening to the West: Don't push industrialization too fast. Japanese companies suddenly found themselves prevented from fulfilling 30 contracts worth $2.1 billion for plants and machinery, as Peking appeared to have second thoughts about its massive Four Modernizations campaign. The cutback also hit American corporations. U.S. Steel and Bethlehem Steel, both of which were on the verge of closing multimillion dollar deals for the sale of equipment to develop iron ore mines, were told by Chinese officials that the agreements would have to be deferred until further notice. Plans for Inter-Continental and Hyatt International to build thousands of hotel rooms have given way to other priorities. On a visit to Japan last week, Deng Yingchao, widow of the late Premier Chou Enlai, explained: "We have now realized that there were too many projects to be launched simultaneously. We must keep the balance between agriculture and light industry. One step backward is necessary for two steps forward."

Still furious with the Chinese for launching an invasion of its northern provinces two months ago, Viet Nam charged that both the political and economic retrenchment were the result of losses suffered in the war. Western analysts had a simpler and more plausible explanation. They tended to accept at face value Peking's claims that there had indeed been too much emphasis on heavy industry in the original development plans. Sinologists were surprised, too, by the re-emergence into public life of two old foes of Deng: Secret Police Chief Wang Dongxing (Wang Tung-hsing) and former Peking Mayor Wu De (Wu Teh). This did not mean, however, that the Vice Premier was in serious political trouble. Rather, the probability was that Deng had to slow the hectic pace of modernization in order to secure the continued cooperation of his colleagues.

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so viewer discretion is required.