More Trouble for Khomeini

The Ayatullah faces yet another barrage of criticism

"You West-worshipers, you aliens, you hollow men, come to your senses and be with us." So pleaded an obviously agitated Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini last week in a nationally broadcast speech marking the anniversary of a 1963 uprising against the Shah in which 15,000 Iranians may have died. Khomeini went on to blast writers, journalists, lawyers and academicians for "using their pens and tongues against the Islamic revolution after it gave them freedom." That revolution, the Ayatullah insisted, "was made solely by the clergy, supported by the whole population." In an explicit warning to those who differ with his views, Khomeini said that "I advised the Shah to mend his ways 16 years ago. He did not pay attention to me, and see what happened to him. If you don't want to follow the Islamic path, go back to where you came from."

The strident tone of Khomeini's address suggested that he may be worried about increasing criticism of his autocratic and erratic leadership of the country's unfinished revolution. Last week an open letter by the National Democratic Front, a breakaway political movement from the larger National Front, all but accused Khomeini of being a dictator. "Prior to the revolution's success," the letter read, " 'unity of word' in your opinion was unity of purpose in overthrowing the monarchy. But now it practically means 'unity in obedience to me.' " The NDF, which is led by a grandson of onetime Premier Mohammed Mossadegh, contrasted the Ayatullah's professed support for freedom of the press with the censorship and book burning that has been endemic since the revolution. The document concluded: "Today we find that your leadership is not as it once was."

Even more of a challenge to Khomeini is the fact that some high-ranking Islamic clerics share this view. The most notable opposition comes from Ayatullah Kazem Sharietmadari, 79, whose popularity in Iran is second only to that of Khomeini himself. In an interview with Tehran Bureau Chief Bruce van Voorst last week, Sharietmadari implicitly criticized Khomeini--though he never mentioned him by name. Said Sharietmadari: "In politics, all people are equal. I don't think religious edicts should bind citizens to particular political viewpoints. Politics is a matter of opinion. Religious authority may not be called upon to support specific political objectives."

The Ayatullah, who is one of Iran's most respected Islamic scholars, rejected Khomeini's proposal that the 160-article constitution, now being drafted, should simply be put to a yes-or-no public referendum instead of being debated at an elected representative assembly. Sharietmadari's view was that a constituent assembly was the "only way to reconcile expertise with popular representation." Sharietmadari will openly oppose a referendum. Says he: "It is like asking the man in the street to vote on this or that method of curing cancer."

One reason for Sharietmadari's disaffection may have been a pamphlet printed by some of Khomeini's followers charging, unfairly, that Sharietmadari had accepted huge bribes from the Shah. Khomeini was not informed of the leaflet; when he heard about it, he ordered it stopped. However, Sharietmadari learned of it anyway and refused to lead prayers in Qum for several days. Two other leading Ayatullahs in the holy city joined him in a boycott of religious services.

Iran also remains plagued by separatist problems, which last week centered on the oil-rich province of Khuzistan, whose inhabitants are mostly ethnic Arabs. Last week, in skirmishes between oilworkers and government troops, Arab demonstrators shouted "Death to Khomeini!"--a shocking echo of the epithet that only a few months ago was directed against the Shah. There were also rumblings of discontent in the Kurdish areas of northern Iran. The leader of the Kurds, Sheik Ezzeddin Hossaini, warned that unless the new constitution protects "all the ethnic minority groups in the country," Iran would face a "bloodbath."

The Khomeini-backed government of Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan has made little progress in solving Iran's major economic problems. The partial resumption of oil production (currently about 3.8 million bbl. per day) and new limitations on imports will boost Iran's foreign exchange reserves from $10.3 billion in January to more than $19 billion by year's end. But roughly 35% of the work force is still unemployed, construction is at a standstill, prices of staple foods are spiraling, and most government agencies are paralyzed by inactivity.

Bazargan is unlikely to get any help from Washington. Relations with Tehran took another turn for the worse last week when the Iranian government announced it would not accept U.S. Ambassador-designate Walter L. Cutler. Iranian officials insisted that the decision to reject Cutler was an attempt by Foreign Minister Ibrahim Yazdi to moderate the virulent anti-American campaign sweeping the country. Yazdi reportedly felt that Cutler's appointment would exacerbate ill feelings between the two governments.

"We looked into Cutler's service in Zaire," explained a senior civil servant in Tehran. "We saw it as being of a colonial type, and that he was unaccustomed to dealing with equals. We don't want another Sullivan or Helms [former U.S. Ambassadors William Sullivan and Richard Helms]. Iran has changed, and America must recognize this truth. Our good relations depend upon an ambassador who understands what has happened here."

The Carter Administration remains adamant in its refusal to name a replacement. "Either they accept Cutler or we won't have an ambassador there," said a National Security Council official. -

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so viewer discretion is required.