A Call for Quickness

The goal: a fall conference on Zimbabwe Rhodesia

At the close of the Commonwealth Conference in Lusaka, Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda and his wife Betty dined with Margaret Thatcher and her husband Denis. As the evening ended in a glow of good feeling, Kaunda observed: "Let us hope God acts quick." Replied Thatcher, buoyant over her diplomatic successes: "I don't know about God, but the British Prime Minister will certainly act quick."

The sense of urgency shared by the two leaders arose from their need to gain rapid acceptance of the new Commonwealth plan for bringing undisputed majority rule to Zimbabwe Rhodesia. In a spirit close to euphoria the British government and the African "frontline" states struck a deal a week ago that offers the possibility of ending seven years of civil war in the country. But so far, at least, the participants on both sides of the Rhodesian struggle have remained as intransigent as ever.

Robert Mugabe, a co-leader of the Patriotic Front guerrilla movement, declared from his headquarters in Mozambique that he would refuse to negotiate until his soldiers were accepted as the national army of Zimbabwe Rhodesia. His co-leader (and rival), Joshua Nkomo, did not deign to comment publicly, but his lieutenants said that Britain could hardly be expected to supervise new elections dispassionately.

On the other side, Prime Minister Bishop Abel Muzorewa called the Commonwealth proposal "an insult" to his "government of national unity." Former Prime Minister Ian Smith, now a Minister Without Portfolio in Muzorewa's government, dismissed the results of the Lusaka conference as "so much hot air" and suggested that Rhodesians "forget about new elections." In South Africa, which has close ties with Salisbury, Foreign Minister Roelof F. ("Pik") Botha declared that his government was "deeply disturbed." South Africa was reported to be considering military support for Muzorewa if he decides to reject the Commonwealth proposals.

Despite the bellicose rhetoric, Commonwealth leaders remained relatively optimistic. Zambia's Kaunda implied that the Patriotic Front's reaction was little more than posturing, explaining: "Just now, various parties must react in a certain way." His colleague, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, said flatly: "The Patriotic Front [leaders] are going to a constitutional conference called by the decolonizing power." Nyerere suggested, however, that the British government might have a much harder time getting the Muzorewa-Smith bloc to the conference table. Snapped back Mrs. Thatcher: "If Julius Nyerere can deal with his problem," i.e., producing the guerrilla leaders, "I hope he will accept that I can deal with mine."

If all goes well, the constitutional conference will take place in mid-September, probably at London's Lancaster House, the site of so many previous conferences for a British colony bound for independence. All sides were aware of the need for urgency, hoping to reach an agreement before the present economic sanctions against Zimbabwe Rhodesia expire in November. Nyerere called it the "last chance" for a peaceful settlement before a period of protracted warfare embracing all of southern Africa. But he insisted that even if Ian Smith should win the new Commonwealth-supervised elections, which would follow a cease-fire in the civil war, then "I would welcome him myself to the Organization for African Unity." It was an easy promise. Smith's whites now constitute only 3% of the population of Zimbabwe Rhodesia, and they are still leaving the country at the rate of 1,000 a month.

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