Teaching Japan to Say No

By Shintaro Ishihara Seiichi Kanise

He is the kind of man many Japanese admire -- handsome and well tailored, an avid yachtsman and tennis player, successful politician and novelist. But what makes Shintaro Ishihara, 57, one of the most popular figures in Japan these days is his unapologetic view of the country's pre-eminence on the world stage. As a corollary, he warns the U.S. that its days as a leading economic and industrial power are numbered and that it ignores Japanese interests and sensibilities at its peril.

Ishihara, an outspoken intellectual, first rose to national prominence in 1955, when he published a popular anti-Establishment novel, Season of the Sun. Elected to the Japanese Diet in 1968, he has since served as Transport Minister and head of Japan's environmental agency. Earlier this year, he voiced his strongly nationalistic views in a 160-page volume called The Japan That Can Say No. The book has gained considerable attention in his own country and caused some dismay in Washington, where it is now circulating in an unauthorized bootleg translation.

Co-authored with Sony Chairman Akio Morita, the book was aimed mainly at Japanese readers. In his chapters, Morita echoes much of what he has said elsewhere about America's slothful business habits and loss of competitiveness. But it is Ishirara's chapters that are the most contentious. He asserts that Japan now holds the technological balance of power in the world. The Americans may own the missiles, for example, but they cannot fly straight without Japanese semiconductors. Japan, Ishihara argues, must use its technological leverage to assume its rightful place in the world. No longer must the country walk a respectful, and silent, three steps behind the U.S.

Although Ishihara does not champion the notion of Japanese racial superiority, he argues that race has been a crucial factor in shaping America's "biased, incorrect views" of Japan. "The modern civilization built by whites is coming to a close," he writes, "and I feel that this is adding to the irritation of Americans." He adds that the U.S. is "becoming hysterical because a crucial part of military technology is controlled by an Asian country."

The book, like Ishihara, is decidedly blunt. That in itself is a novelty: most postwar Japanese thinkers, obsessed with war guilt and appreciative of America's magnanimity during and after the Occupation, have largely preferred a cautious, indirect approach when writing about relations with the U.S. But the new assertiveness shown by Ishihara intrigues many Japanese citizens: in a recent poll, his name placed third among likely candidates for the prime ministership. Many political insiders feel he is too controversial to get the top job. But Ishihara himself insists that "Japan needs a leader who can say yes or no clearly," as he told TIME's Seiichi Kanise in the following interview.

Q. Your book The Japan That Can Say No, co-authored with Morita, is generating controversy in Washington. Are you surprised?

A. I told the Japanese publisher that the book should be published in the U.S. so that Americans could better understand what Japanese are thinking. But someone circulated a pirated translation, a clear infringement of copyright. The book is basically written for Japanese readers, to tell them that it's time for Japan to stand up and speak its mind. I mention at one point in the book that Japan could drastically change the world balance of power by selling advanced computer chips to the Soviet Union. This is a very provocative thought, even to me. But I had to say it.

Q. Why?

A. Let me explain. I was in Washington two years ago, right after the U.S. Government slapped punitive tariffs on Japanese electronics goods over the semiconductor issue. The mood was hysterical. At a party an American politician told me that because the U.S. and the Soviet Union were moving closer together, the world power balance had shifted, and Japan was no longer very important. He had the nerve to tell me that the Americans and the Russians share the same identity because they are white. Well, that's fine. But if Moscow is looking to Washington for high technology, Japan is the country that has it. The Soviet Union is free to choose between Japan and the U.S. for high technology, just as we are free to choose between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. In fact, the U.S. can't make reliable one-megabit chips. Japan is the only country that can mass-produce high-performance semiconductors. When I said this at the party, the Americans turned pale. But let me remind you that I was only responding to American threats that Soviet- American detente left no room for Japan.

Q. Is that why Japan should be more assertive or, as you put it, stand up and . say no?

A. Well, of course. But at the same time we have to say yes on many issues. First of all, we -- particularly politicians -- should say no to some groups of people at home. For example, Japan's distribution system is a shambles. The Japanese Fair Trade Commission is a den of Finance Ministry bureaucrats in collusion with industries. It's perfectly understandable that the U.S. got frustrated over some trade issues.

Q. You sound very conciliatory.

A. I believe in talking out problems between Japan and the U.S. But the Foreign Ministry, which sets the tone for negotiations, must stand firm in expressing Japan's position. For example, the U.S. claims that our keiretsu-ka ((vertical integration)) of banks and other financial institutions is outrageous. I don't agree. It's an idiosyncrasy of the Japanese economy. But unless we make the structure of keiretsu-ka clear to all, the Japanese market remains very unfair to people who come from abroad to do business in Japan.

Q. But what you say. . .

A. Just listen to me first. If Americans who hold shares in Japanese companies demand American-style management at stockholders' meetings, we must clearly say no. That's what we did recently to T. Boone Pickens, a man with a disreputable reputation. America is in decline because of American managers who only care about their short-term gains so that they can boast about them at the next shareholders' meeting. Japanese managers use shareholders' meetings to explain their long-term plans and ask shareholders to bear with limited dividends. Japan has succeeded in rebuilding its economy because it has kept its idiosyncrasies, that is to say, management philosophy, labor- management relations and company-shareholders relations based on humane feelings. We don't have to change those characteristics just to please the Americans.

Q. Then why does Japan make concessions in response to U.S. trade demands?

A. It's because our postwar stepchild mentality hasn't changed. Because bureaucrats and politicians feel that Japan owes the U.S. so much in return for the country's postwar rehabilitation they acquiesce even when the Americans are unreasonable. I think it's time for Japan to move away from this slave mentality. Japan is the only country that is developing practical uses of superconductivity and, I believe, will master the technology in ten years. Then Japan will be at the center of industry. Japan must repel any attempt by the U.S. to prevent it from becoming more self-assertive.

Q. Are you saying that you expect Japan to take global leadership on the strength of its technology?

A. Yes, absolutely. When you look back at history, you'll see that new technologies build new civilizations. Technology determines the quality and quantity of the human economy. The medieval age gave way to the modern age because of the art of navigation, the invention of gunpowder and Gutenberg's art of printing. Now the modern age has come to a close because of nuclear power and electronics. I think Japan will be one of the major players that will build a new world history. It can't be done by Japan alone. Active interaction with other countries will enhance technological developments. In this respect the U.S. will remain Japan's most important partner. There's no doubt the U.S.'s position as a global leader will continue. But from the Japanese viewpoint, the U.S.'s desire to keep Japan or other countries in the palm of its hand is annoying. The Americans should dispassionately put the present world in historical perspective. Their failure to do so will jeopardize not only their future but also that of the rest of the world.

Q. In your book, you say that the U.S. dropped atom bombs on Japan but not on Germany because Americans were racially prejudiced against the Japanese.

A. We should remember that racial prejudice was a factor. Ask Asians, Hispanics, Indians or blacks living in the U.S. whether whites are racially prejudiced or not. They would just laugh at the question. They would all answer yes. Whites are understandably proud that they undeniably have built the modern era. But the problem is that this historical pride has evolved into arrogance and racial prejudice against nonwhites. Now a nonwhite race, the Japanese, is catching up with the Americans and taking over the lead in advanced technology. The fact is not easy for Americans to swallow. I understand it's humiliating. But the time has come for Americans to give up foolish pride and racial prejudice. Japan overcame its humiliation ((after World War II)) to become what it is today. The Americans say the Japanese have become arrogant, but in my opinion, the racially prejudiced Americans are much more arrogant. Don't misunderstand me here. I personally like the Americans. I admire American society for its dynamism.

Q. When Japanese like yourself speak up, the U.S. reaction is often that the prewar nationalistic Japan is returning.

A. I think that's arrogance on the part of the U.S. They think, or rather they want to believe, that the Japanese people are incapable of formulating their own global ideal. So when we do speak up, they become so irritated that they label it a revival of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. That's an antiquated argument.

Q. This new self-assertiveness on the part of Japan is often regarded in the same light as ultranationalism. How different is it?

A. Are there ultranationalists in Japan? No, there are no ultrarightists in Japan. Some thugs play old-time songs and parade on trucks in the streets, but they are not rightists. If there were true rightists in Japan, many politicians would have been assassinated.

Q. In the last chapter of your book, you urge Japan to become a key part of Asia. How?

A. Japan's franchise is Asia. I think Japan should assume greater responsibility than the U.S. or Europe in the development of the Asian region. It is extremely unpleasant to watch the U.S. drive a wedge between Japan and other Asian countries by propagating the idea that the U.S. military presence is preventing Japan's invasion of the region. In combining the human capital of the New Industrialized Countries of Asia with Japan's high technology and knowledge-intensive industry, Asia could become a powerful economic bloc.

Q. That would require Japanese initiative. Is Japan ready for a new leader? Some say you have a chance to become Prime Minister. Is that possible?

A. I don't know if the U.S. would like the idea. All I can say now is that Japan needs a leader who can say yes and no clearly. With such leadership, Japan could win the true trust of the U.S. Politicians must speak up. Japanese politicians are lazy and inattentive. Today Japanese politics depends on bureaucrats who lack imagination and are defensive. Government leaders are reluctant to take up anything before the matter is thoroughly worked out by bureaucrats.

Q. There's an argument that Japan is unique and that it cannot change without external pressure.

A. It's fine to be unique. Japan doesn't have to ruin its corporations and economy by following the steps of the U.S. or European countries.

Q. Are the Japanese unique?

A. The Americans are unique, and so are the Japanese. As for the question of whether the Japanese are a superior race or not, I think only our achievements can tell. The Japanese are excellent at connecting a new idea with merchandising. We may be unique in that respect.