The Germanys Marching To Unity

It was only one sentence, but the words from Mikhail Gorbachev last week suddenly gave fresh momentum to German unification. Asked about the possibility of the two Germanys becoming one, Gorbachev replied, "Basically, no one casts any doubt on it." Though the Soviet President cautioned that "it is essential to act responsibly and not seek the solution to this important issue in the streets," his reluctant blessing contrasted sharply with his government's previous pronouncements.

So sharply, in fact, that within three days the Kremlin began to hem and haw. Apparently concerned that Gorbachev's words might be interpreted as an explicit push for a single German state, Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze told Soviet reporters that "it is not the idea of German unity itself but the revival of sinister shadows of the past" that raises alarm. He proposed that some way be found for the citizens of the Soviet Union, Europe, the U.S. and Canada to express their opinions on unification.

Despite such second thoughts, Gorbachev's earlier words had a profound effect on East German Prime Minister Hans Modrow. Two days later, Modrow signaled that he too had finally read the handwriting on the collapsed Berlin Wall. "Germany should once again become the united fatherland of all the citizens of the German nation," he said. Modrow unveiled a four-step process for the gradual merger of the two Germanys' economies, legal systems and governments that closely paralleled the plan presented in December by West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, except on one critical point. Modrow unequivocally called for a neutral Germany, demanding that both states "detach themselves" from their respective military alliances.

Kohl welcomed Modrow's proposal, but he dismissed any prospect of a West German withdrawal from NATO. Perhaps in an attempt to downplay Modrow and his pitch for neutrality, Kohl said he will not discuss unification with East Berlin until after East Germans go to the polls in mid-March. But unification has emerged as the primary campaign issue in both East Germany and West Germany, which will hold its national elections in December. Already Kohl and his fellow politicians are seeking out like-minded brethren on the other side of the border, funneling campaign money and building alliances that will stand them in good stead if a single Germany emerges.

Gorbachev's softened stance on unification surprised the Bush Administration, which until now had counted on Moscow's disapproval to slow down the unification parade. And it came at an awkward time for George Bush, who proposed last week that the U.S. reduce its troops in Europe from 305,000 to 225,000. As Democratic Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee put it, "If all Soviet troops are pulled out of Eastern Europe and East and West Germany are unified, then how long are you going to keep American troops in Europe?"

Although unification may be an idea whose time has come, it is still an ) idea; German officials and their respective allies have months, perhaps years, of negotiations ahead. In the meantime, ordinary Germans are making unification a de facto part of their existence. Despite Gorbachev's warning that the issue should not be settled in the streets, it is precisely at that level that the momentum is strongest: East German to West German, town to town, village to village. To explore how the bonds are being forged, a TIME correspondent visited the border towns of Posseck and Hof, 75 miles northwest of Nuremberg.